Abstract: Baba Malay is a mixed language of Malay, Hokkien (a Chinese dialect spoken in Southern China, primarily in Fujian Province), and smatterings of European languages such as English and Portuguese. Over the years, Baba Malay has declined as a domestic and business language due to its gradual marginalization through national language education policies in Singapore that devalue non-standardized mother tongue languages in nationalistic efforts to manufacture a multicultural nation. This article argues that Baba Malay is an intrinsic facet of the Peranakan, or Straits-born Chinese, community in Singapore. Its distinct socio-linguistic structures and usages distinguish this hybrid community from other communities in Singapore. Baba Malay is also highly fluid: other dialects and iterations such as Peranakan English have developed, fusing numerous languages together to create a unique community. I argue that the rise and fall of Baba Malay throughout history develops a shared heritage of the Peranakan community in Singapore. Through various ground-up initiatives, the language has gone from the brink of extinction to a recognized aspect of Peranakan culture that many now seek to preserve and protect.
Keywords: Baba Malay, history of language, multiculturalism, Peranakan, heritage
Apa khabair? An Introduction
The history and evolution of Baba Malay weaves a vibrant and distinctive tapestry of the Peranakan community in Singapore. The Peranakans (derived from the Malay root word anak, meaning child) are a colourful, hybrid “Straits-born” community that imbue numerous influences within their culture and way of life.[1] For this article, I will focus on the Straits-born Chinese community in Singapore, although similar communities like the Chitty Melaka (Peranakan Indians) also possess some similar linguistic characteristics. The lineage of this community can be traced to Chinese traders who settled in Southeast Asia as early as the seventeenth century.[2] The Peranakans are well-known for syncretizing various Asian and European cultures and adapting to Malay life through dress, food, and language. The language that emerged from this amalgamation of cultures is Baba Malay, known to some as Peranakan. Baba Malay personifies a hybridity of cultures as it entails a unique synthesis of Bahasa Melayu and Hokkien; it became the language of “the man on the street,” as it was easier to learn and pick up than Bahasa Melayu.[3] This article will chart the historical trajectory of Baba Malay in Singapore from the colonial period to the post-independence era. In particular, this article will focus on Baba Malay’s linguistic distinctness, its present decline in usage due to state-sanctioned language policies in the post-independence period, and efforts to revive the language and preserve the shared cultural heritage of the Peranakan community in Singapore.
Cultural heritage, both tangible and intangible, is an instrumental unifying resource that advances the formation of a shared memory and identity of different people groups. By charting the historical trajectory of Baba Malay, I argue that although Baba Malay has experienced various stages of decline compounded by dwindling usage and state policies, the language still plays a significant role in forming and strengthening the heritage of the Peranakan community in Singapore. Despite Baba Malay’s marginalization within Singapore’s language policies, ground-up initiatives involving civil society associations have managed to preserve and protect this crucial tenet of Peranakan cultural heritage beyond the purview of the state. Particularly, I will analyze these ground-up initiatives from civil society organizations and their contrasting attitudes toward Baba Malay in relation to the state. Through these initiatives, Baba Malay has emerged as an enduring feature of the Peranakans, providing an avenue to forge unifying intangible cultural heritage using the Peranakan language as a medium to do so.
Lu mia nama apa? Baba Malay’s Distinctness and Identity Creation
The linguistic and socio-phonetic origins of Baba Malay carve a pivotal path toward cementing the unique status, culture, and identity of the Peranakan community in Singapore. The distinct linguistic nature of Baba Malay has its roots in the history and life of the Straits-born Chinese in Singapore. Baba Malay initially emerged as Bazaar (pasar) Malay and was used as the language of business and commerce by the Peranakans during the colonial period from the 1800s to 1950s.[4] The Peranakans, who migrated from China to the Straits Settlements, adopted this dialect as a means of communication in both the business and domestic realms, as Peranakan men married local Malay women and were forced by early authorities to speak Malay to assimilate into the culture in the Malay Archipelago.[5] As a result, many Babas and Nyonyas, straits-born Chinese men and women respectively, possess a hybrid identity of Chinese (mostly Fukien), Malay, and Indonesian heritage, which manifests distinctly in the phonological and linguistic characteristics of the Baba Malay language. For instance, because of the Peranakans’ Hokkien influence, Hokkien loanwords are prevalent throughout the language such as goa for “I” and lu for “you,” which deviate from Standard Malay vocabulary.[6] The deviation between Baba Malay and Standard Malay fosters a unique linguistic and cultural identity that the Straits-born Chinese resonate and communicate with daily in Singapore and the Straits Settlements.
Baba Malay differentiated the Peranakan community from wider Chinese communities in colonial Singapore. The language possesses socio-linguistic differences from Standard Malay, such as the more frequent use of pronouns, adherence to the Chinese practice of calling elders by their familial relations, and adoption of Hokkien terms for businesses such as taukeh (businessman).[7] Although Malay words appear frequently in the Baba Malay language, Baba Malay possesses fewer synonyms and a smaller range of vocabulary.[8] The amalgamation of both Hokkien and Malay language structures within Baba Malay developed a distinct Peranakan identity in the Straits Settlements.
Baba Malay’s origins are multi-sourced, stemming from a variety of influences that shaped the distinctness of the Peranakan Chinese community in the Malay Archipelago. This distinctness was prominent as new(er) Chinese immigrants, who migrated to the Straits Settlements during the period of European high imperialism, referred to the Peranakans as “Chinese, but not really Chinese” (orang cina, bukan cina) because of pervasive stereotypes that they were not well-versed in their Chinese dialects.[9] These stereotypes, although hyperbolic, unpack the cultural and linguistic (dis)similarities between Baba Malay and Chinese dialects that facilitated the Peranakan community’s formation of a shared identity exclusive of new Chinese migrants during the time of British colonialism. Furthermore, there were observations of code-switching between Baba Malay and languages such as English, making the Peranakan community comparatively more educated and favoured by the colonial administration.[10] The emergence of Peranakan English forged a close partnership between the British colonial administration and the Peranakan community in Singapore. Peranakan English fused Baba Malay vocabulary and phrases with the English language and helped to differentiate the Peranakans economically and socially from other groups in Singapore that were not accorded similar privileges. Hence, Baba Malay was a crucial aspect that differentiated the Peranakans from established Chinese and Malay identities in Singapore, thereby enhancing the sense of shared heritage and memory through the use of language as a cultural hallmark to illustrate the Peranakan community’s uniqueness in colonial Singapore.
Anjing kepala busok: An Outcast within Singapore’s Language Policies
Although Baba Malay is a unique aspect of Peranakan culture in Singapore, conflicts with both colonial and post-independence state policies contributed to the gradual decline of the language. However, the threat of decline has arguably mobilized the Peranakan community to preserve and protect Baba Malay. Following decolonization after the end of WWII and independence in 1965, Singapore began instituting language education policies into the national education curriculum. The bilingual policy of “mother tongues” was believed to provide Singaporeans with “cultural identity” and link “ethnicity, tradition and moral codes,” while English would serve as a neutral language that promoted “modernity…progress, science, technology, and capitalism.”[11] Bilingualism attempted to cultivate the national impetus of multiculturalism in response to Singapore’s diverse ethnic make-up, mandating school-going children in national schools to learn the mother tongues assigned to their respective ethnic groups.[12] Although the Peranakans are ethnically Chinese, they utilize English (or Peranakan English) for external interactions, and their mother tongue is Baba Malay after generations of cross-cultural communication between the Chinese and Malay communities.[13] Even during the early twentieth century, many Peranakans adopted the English language for business and were educated in private institutions that used Chinese dialects as a means of instruction, resulting in some trilingual Peranakans.[14]
However, post-independence language policies formulated as part of national education curriculums in Singapore catalysed the decline of Baba Malay. Because of state-mandated bilingual policies, any form of language communication that deviated from the mother tongues provided in national education was frowned upon. This was seen in the gradual discouragement of using Chinese dialects in favour of Mandarin that culminated in the Speak Mandarin Campaign in 1979.[15] As a colloquial dialect of Malay, Baba Malay followed a similar trajectory. The state did not officially recognize the language, mandating the Peranakans to learn Mandarin as part of national education because of both their Chinese ancestry, and the multicultural alignment of the newly independent Singapore nation. Language policies in post-independent Singapore were mostly top-down and sought to forge “collective identities” through language promotion.[16] Additionally, the proliferation of English as the official language and medium of instruction in education symbolized “educatedness, prestige, and socioeconomic power.”[17] The elevation of English accelerated the decline of Baba Malay usage among the younger generation and diminished the value of the Peranakan language in the immediate post-independence period. Thus, the gradual decline of Baba Malay because of Singapore’s national language education policies contributed to a significant loss of identity and heritage for the Peranakan community.
The marginalization of Baba Malay over the years has resulted in the critical endangerment of the language, with native speakers numbering around one to two thousand and concentrated among the elderly. Because of this concentration, there is little chance for expansion due to a confluence of the aforementioned bilingual education policies and a lack of expansion of the community itself.[18] The language is mostly spoken by the older generation and is not readily passed down to younger generations.
Despite the decline of the Baba Malay language, its potential extinction mobilized the Peranakan community to work toward preserving and recognizing the language as part of their intangible cultural heritage and identity. In response to these alarming developments, ground-up initiatives were formed by members of the Peranakan community to save Baba Malay from extinction. Individuals such as Baba William Gwee pioneered initiatives to protect and preserve the language by publishing glossaries of Baba Malay works in 1993 and a Baba Malay dictionary in 2006.[19] Efforts to establish Baba Malay as a language inextricable from the Peranakan community are noteworthy, as the impetus to strengthen the status of Baba Malay derived from the risk of language extinction, which would have had dire consequences for the promotion of the heritage and memory of the Peranakan community. The Peranakan Association in Singapore is also heavily involved in promoting the language by conducting standardized language classes and events to teach Baba Malay and publishing a textbook to help those who are interested in Peranakan heritage and culture learn Baba Malay.[20] Although these efforts to preserve the language are noteworthy, they may not completely revive the language and develop an appreciation of Peranakan culture on their own, as the most effective way to preserve language and culture is for them to be shared and passed down from one generation to another.[21] Nonetheless, these efforts to promote Baba Malay, a language that was facing critical endangerment, are still a commendable starting point to protect and preserve the shared heritage and memory of the Peranakan community in Singapore. Thus, the threat of Baba Malay’s extinction and decline was a crucial motivator to preserve the unique language and identity of the Peranakan community in Singapore.
Chakap Baba tak susah: Intangible Peranakan Heritage through Language
With ongoing efforts to preserve the Baba Malay language in Singapore, I argue that the revival of Baba Malay has the potential to strengthen the collective heritage and memory of the Peranakan community through the promotion of intangible cultural heritage, such as Baba Malay in arts and culture, within Singapore. Although Baba Malay was spoken mostly as a language in the business and domestic spheres, the language’s role in arts and culture is integral to the promotion of a shared Peranakan heritage and identity. During the Golden Age of Baba Malay from the 1830s to the 1930s, intercultural connections spawned a wide array of Baba Malay literature and publications consisting of translated Chinese works and local news and creative writings in newspapers, such as Surat Khabar Peranakan and Bintang Timor, that promoted literary works by Peranakan writers in Baba Malay.[22] The proliferation of Baba Malay in local publications promoted use of the language beyond the domestic and business realms and forged a unique cultural Peranakan identity. Since the arts are “authentic expressions of the culture from which they emerge,” Baba Malay literature is an excellent resource to promote the unique culture and heritage of the Peranakans.[23] Recently, publications such as Chrita-Chrita Baba: A Collection of Short Stories in Baba Malay serve to advance contemporary applications of the language in the modern era through a culturally significant work that documents folklore, culture, and history that uses the Baba Malay language in story-telling.
Further, Singapore has actively promoted Peranakan culture and history in recent years through material heritage. I argue that promoting and protecting Baba Malay would strengthen the intangible cultural heritage of the Peranakan community as it is a key feature of its artistic and cultural identity. Societies such as the Gunong Sayang Association seek to promote and preserve Dondang Sayang, a pantun performance quintessentially associated with the Peranakan community and an endangered art form. The state has co-opted Peranakan culture and history in recent years to create “national heritage” narratives and promote the multicultural nature of the Singapore nation to tourists and beyond.[24] Since the heritages of different ethnicities in Singapore are seldom fixed or clearly defined, the development of Peranakan heritage seeks to bridge the gap by bringing forth Peranakan culture as an “indigenous” culture.[25] More active promotion of Dondang Sayang can contribute to the goals set out by the Singapore state. However, a decline in the ability to speak Baba Malay has contributed to a gradual decline in Dondang Sayang’s ability to flourish in modern Singapore, as poor command of vocabulary has decreased the artform’s ability to rejuvenate itself according to prominent Peranakan theatre performer, G.T. Lye. Dondang Sayang is a critical avenue to promote and rejuvenate Peranakan culture and heritage beyond the “material cultural forms,” such as artifacts and buildings, currently adopted to promote the Peranakan community.[26] Ground-up community efforts through the Dondang Sayang Association can continue to strengthen the creation of a shared heritage, not just of the Peranakan community but also of the Singapore nation. Hence, Baba Malay can be used to promote the intangible cultural heritage of Singapore beyond traditional material heritage through its role in the arts and culture scene of Singapore.
Kam Siahlah: Conclusion
Baba Malay is an intriguing lens that opens many doors toward the promotion of a shared heritage and identity of the Peranakan community in Singapore. The language itself embodies a sense of hybridity and fluidity of the community in Singapore. Baba Malay is a distinct aspect of Peranakan culture that does not fit perfectly within the larger national narratives of multiculturalism in Singapore’s language policies. However, its unique socio-linguistic structures and role in creating the Peranakan identity cannot be disregarded. Although Baba Malay has undergone multiple episodes of rise and decline, the constantly changing trajectory of Baba Malay in Singapore is pivotal in creating and distinguishing a unique shared heritage and identity of the Peranakan community in Singapore.
Lance Wu is a second year undergraduate studying History and Southeast Asian Studies at the National University of Singapore. He is particularly interested in the socio-cultural histories of Singapore and Southeast Asia, as well as the histories and impacts of colonialism in Asia.
Bibliography
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Roots Sg (G.T Lye), “Peranakan Dondang Sayang” May 8, 2019, video, Peranakan Dondang Sayang – YouTube
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Shellabear, W. G. “Baba Malay. An Introduction to the Language of the Straits-Born Chinese.” Journal of the Straits Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, no. 65 (1913): 49–63.
Tan, Chee-Beng. “BABA MALAY DIALECT.” Journal of the Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 53, no. 1 (237) (1980): 150–66.
Wee, Lionel. “‘Burdens’ and ‘Handicaps’ in Singapore’s Language Policy: On the Limits of Language Management.” Language Policy 9, no. 2 (May 2010): 97–114. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10993-009-9159-2.
[1] Jürgen Rudolf, “Reconstructing Collective Identities: The Babas of Singapore,” Journal of Contemporary Asia 28, no. 2 (Jan. 1998): 203–32, https://doi.org/10.1080/00472339880000131.
[2] Ibid, 204
[3] W. G Shellabear. “Baba Malay. An Introduction to the Language of the Straits-Born Chinese.” Journal of the Straits Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, no. 65 (1913): 49–63.
[4] Tan Chee-Beng. “BABA MALAY DIALECT.” Journal of the Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 53, no. 1 (237) (1980): 150–66.
[5] Ibid, 151
[6] Shellabear, “Baba Malay. An Introduction to the Language of the Straits-Born Chinese.” 54
[7] Ibid, 55
[8] Ibid, 56
[9] Ng Fooi Beng, “Peranakan Community and Culture” in A General History of the Chinese in Singapore. Singapore: Singapore Federation of Chinese Clan Associations, 2019. 257-276
[10] Lim, Lisa. “Peranakan English in Singapore.” Chapter. In The Lesser-Known Varieties of English: An Introduction, edited by Daniel Schreier, Peter Trudgill, Edgar W. Schneider, and Jeffrey P. Williams, 327–47. Studies in English Language. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010.
[11] Lionel Wee. “‘Burdens’ and ‘Handicaps’ in Singapore’s Language Policy: On the Limits of Language Management.” Language Policy 9, no. 2 (May 2010): 97–114. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10993-009-9159-2.
[12] Ibid. 98-99
[13] Ng Fooi Beng, “Peranakan Community and Culture”, 262
[14] Ibid, 263
[15] Wee, “‘Burdens’ and ‘Handicaps’ in Singapore’s Language Policy: On the Limits of Language Management.” 98-99
[16] Phyllis Chew Ghim Lian. “Individual Identities: The Use of Lingua Francas and Language Choice” in A Sociolinguistic History of Early Identities in Singapore: From Colonialism to Nationalism. Basingstoke, Hampshire, New York, NY: Palgrave Macmillan, 2013.
[17] Anne Pakir, “Baba Malay” Chapter. In Multilingual Singapore: Language Policies and Linguistic Realities, edited by Ritu Jain. https://doi-org.libproxy1.nus.edu.sg/10.4324/9780429280146
[18] Nala. H Lee. Peranakans in Singapore: Responses to Language Endangerment and Documentation. University of Hawai’i Press, 2019. scholarspace.manoa.hawaii.edu, http://scholarspace.manoa.hawaii.edu/handle/10125/24907.
[19] Ibid, 130
[20] Chan, Kenneth Y. K., Amelyn Thompson, and Carolyn Law. Baba Malay for Everyone: A Comprehensive Guide to the Peranakan Language. First ed. Singapore: Wolf et al, 2020.
[21] Pakir, Baba Malay, 134
[22] Ng, “Peranakan Community and Culture” 263-265
[23] Howard Lee Nostrand. “How to Discover a Culture in Its Literature: Examples from Steinbeck, Saroyan, and Pagnol.” Foreign Language Annals, vol. 29, no. 1, Mar. 1996, pp. 19–26. DOI.org (Crossref), https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1944-9720.1996.tb00839.x.
[24] Henderson, J. “Ethnic Heritage as a Tourist Attraction: The Peranakans of Singapore.” International Journal of Heritage Studies, vol. 9, no. 1, Jan. 2003, pp. 27–44, https://doi.org/10.1080/1352725022000056613.
[25] Jürgen Rudolf. “Reconstructing Collective Identities: The Babas of Singapore.” 203-204
[26] Henderson, J. “Ethnic Heritage as a Tourist Attraction: The Peranakans of Singapore.” 31